The
 judge found that the police officers who took over Mitchell's home were
 not soldiers and that the Third Amendment was written to protect 
individuals from "military intrusion into a private home."
In light of his denial of the claim that the police qualified as 
soldiers, Gordon didn't answer the second relevant question, simply 
writing that he "suspect[s]" that the time spent by the police occupying
 Mitchell's home would not qualify as quartering.
While Gordon may have been correct in this ruling, his language is so
 broad that it may actually set a dangerous precedent. As Ilya Somin 
explained in the 
Washington Post: "The reasoning is very 
plausible and quite possibly correct. But it may too readily conclude 
that 'municipal police' can never be considered soldiers for purposes of
 the Amendment."
Somin is correct.
First, some background and context.
The Third Amendment reads: "No soldier shall, in time of peace be 
quartered in any house, without the consent of the owner, nor in time of
 war, but in a manner to be prescribed by law."
The tale told by Anthony Mitchell of how he and his family were robbed of these rights is compelling and cautionary.
Mitchell was sitting at home in Henderson, Nevada, on the morning of 
July 10, 2011, when the phone rang. Officer Christopher Worley of the 
Henderson Police Department was calling Mitchell to tell him that the 
police were going to take over his house. In order to gain “tactical 
advantage” over Mitchell’s next door neighbor, Officer Worley reportedly
 explained, police were going to set up shop in Mitchell’s house.
Mitchell was not asked if he would mind such a surrender of his home.
 The officer was informing Mitchell that they would be commandeering his
 house. In his legal complaint against the Henderson Police Department, 
Mitchell claims that he didn’t want to get involved with the police 
department’s operation against his neighbor and accordingly refused to 
let police occupy his home.
Not surprisingly, Mitchell’s refusal didn’t sit well with law 
enforcement. Again, according to Mitchell’s complaint, Officer David 
Cawthorn of the Henderson Police Department, one of the members of the 
force who were named as defendants in Mitchell’s lawsuit, “outlined the 
defendants' plan in his official report: 'It was determined to move to 
367 Evening Side and attempt to contact Mitchell. If Mitchell answered 
the door he would be asked to leave. If he refused to leave he would be 
arrested for Obstructing a Police Officer. If Mitchell refused to answer
 the door, force entry would be made and Mitchell would be arrested.'”
It isn’t hard in the these times of police militarization to predict what happened next.
Just before noon, five (or more) officers of the Henderson Police 
Department “arrayed themselves in front of plaintiff Anthony Mitchell's 
house and prepared to execute their plan,” according to the narrative 
laid out in Mitchell’s lawsuit.
After showing up at Mitchell’s door, the officers allegedly “banged 
forcefully” on his door and demanded that Mitchell and his family open 
up.
Seconds later, Mitchell claims, “officers ... smashed open his front door using a metal ram.”
Standing in his living room in shock, Mitchell says that the officers
 “aimed their weapons” at him and ordered him “to lie down on the 
floor.” Fearing for his life, Mitchell complied.
Mitchell says that while he was prostrate on his front room floor, 
Henderson Police Department officers shouted “conflicting orders” at 
him, some commanding him to “crawl” toward the officers, with others 
demanding that he stay put.
Mitchell’s complaint continues the account of this incredible afternoon:
Confused and terrified, plaintiff Anthony 
Mitchell remained curled on the floor of his living room, with his hands
 over his face, and made no movement.
Although plaintiff Anthony Mitchell was 
lying motionless on the ground and posed no threat, officers, including 
Officer David Cawthorn, then fired multiple "pepperball" rounds at 
plaintiff as he lay defenseless on the floor of his living room. Anthony
 Mitchell was struck at least three times by shots fired from close 
range, injuring him and causing him severe pain.
Police then took Mitchell in custody 
and, as they reportedly planned to do, arrested him for obstructing a 
police officer. After arresting Mitchell, officers searched his home, 
then proceeded to rearrange furniture and establish the tactical lookout
 they wanted all along.
As for the notion that the Third Amendment was added to the 
Constitution to protect from military intrusion, as defined by Judge 
Gordon, the spirit of that provision seems to look more to the 
protection of the home, rather than to the identity of the invader.
While there are few cases on point, one Georgetown law professor quoted in a 
Wall Street Journal
 story describes the Third Amendment as the “Rosetta Stone of the Bill 
of Rights. “[The] Third Amendment can reveal the structure of the Bill 
of Rights, and its objects,” Professor Nicholas Quinn Rosenkranz wrote 
as reported by the 
Wall Street Journal. A quote by Joseph Story from his 
Commentaries on the Constitution
 confirms Rosenkranz’s view. “This provision speaks for itself. Its 
plain object is to secure the perfect enjoyment of that great right of 
the common law, that a man's house shall be his own castle, privileged 
against all civil and military intrusion,” Story wrote.
As for the ruling's potentially dangerous distinction between 
soldiers and police, thanks to billions in federal grants gobbled up by 
local law enforcement, that line is being blurred beyond recognition. In
 fact, in light of the overwhelmingly military equipment, training, 
weapons, and vehicles used by local police, these departments may be 
becoming exactly the type of force the Founders had in mind in 1791.
In commenting on Blackstone’s 
Commentaries, founding era 
jurist St. George Tucker speaks as if he foresaw our day and the fatal 
combination of an increasingly militarized police force and the 
disarmament of civilians: "Wherever standing armies are kept up, and the
 right of the people to keep and bear arms is, under any colour or 
pretext whatsoever, prohibited, liberty, if not already annihilated, is 
on the brink of destruction."
The connection between this professional, civilian standing army and 
the attack on the right of the people to keep and bear arms has been 
recognized by contemporary liberty-minded scholars, as well.
In his essay “The Right to Keep and Bear Arms under the Second and 
Fourteenth Amendments: The Framers' Intent and Supreme Court 
Jurisprudence,” Stephen Halbrook writes:
Noah Webster, the influential federalist 
whose name still appears on dictionaries, stated: "Before a standing 
army can rule, the people must be disarmed; as they are in almost every 
kingdom in Europe. The supreme power in America cannot enforce unjust 
laws by the sword; because the whole body of the people are armed...." 
Pamphlets on the Constitution of the United States 56 (P. Ford ed. 
1888).
In a similar treatise, Joyce Malcolm, a historian specializing in 
17th-century English constitutional history, makes the same point:
Where does this leave the American Second 
Amendment, with its reference to a well-regulated militia necessary to 
the security of a free state, and its insistence that the right of the 
people to keep and bear arms shall not be infringed? I would argue that 
the Second Amendment mirrors English belief in the individual's right to
 be armed, the importance of that right to the preservation of liberty, 
and the preference for a militia over a standing army.
In an essay published in the 
Wall Street Journal last August, Radley Balko presented chilling and convincing evidence of the blurring of the line between cop and soldier:
Driven by martial rhetoric and the 
availability of military-style equipment — from bayonets and M-16 rifles
 to armored personnel carriers — American police forces have often 
adopted a mind-set previously reserved for the battlefield. The war on 
drugs and, more recently, post-9/11 antiterrorism efforts have created a
 new figure on the U.S. scene: the warrior cop — armed to the teeth, 
ready to deal harshly with targeted wrongdoers, and a growing threat to 
familiar American liberties.
In light of the foregoing analysis, it may be, as Somin writes, that 
Judge Gordon was "too quick to conclude that 'no municipal police 
officer' could ever qualify as such."